Nobody approaches the objectivity and precision of Bush and O'Hanlon when it comes to analysis of the military and political dimensions of the Taiwan issue. This is one challenge that U.S. policymakers and military strategists cannot afford to get wrong, and scholars cannot afford to ignore. - Michael Green, former Senior Director for Asian Affairs National Security Council The Showdown to Come In 1995, during a heated discussion about that year's Taiwan crisis, a Chinese general remarked to a U.S. diplomat, ""In the end, you care more about Los Angeles than you do about Taipei."" In a single sentence, he both questioned the level of America's commitment to a longtime ally and threatened massive, perhaps nuclear, retaliation should the United States intervene militarily on Taiwan's behalf. In the end, President Clinton sent two aircraft carriers to the region, and China ceased its military exercises in the Taiwan Strait. A decade later, however, China is much stronger, both economically and militarily, and it holds a significant amount of America's national debt. If another Taiwan crisis should occur-as it almost certainly will-would China back down? In A War Like No Other, you'll discover how little it would take to transform the close cooperation and friendly rivalry between the United States and the People's Republic of China into the first-ever shooting war between two nuclear powers. This chilling look into one possible future offers thoughtful advice to both governments on how to reduce the chances of such a nightmare actually occurring. Two Brookings Institution scholars offer specific prescriptions on how the two nations can improve communications, especially in times of crisis; avoid risky behavior, even when provoked; and, above all, remember which buttons not to push.
The thin red line in the Taiwan Strait War involving Taiwan, China and the US is improbable, but even a small likelihood that it could happen should be enough to keep us awake at night If the world is to see its first hot war between two nuclear superpowers in the 21st century, its principal cause will likely be a small democracy of 23 million people. Or so argue Richard Bush and Michael O'Hanlon in their timely A War Like No Other. Bush, a former director at the American Institute in Taiwan and current director of the Center for Northeast Asian Studies at the Brookings Institution in Washington, and O'Hanlon, a senior military analyst at Brookings, use their considerable knowledge in the fields of diplomacy and defense to show how the longstanding political dispute between Taipei and Beijing over Taiwan's sovereignty could escalate to devastating effect and why world leaders should do everything in their power to avoid this contingency from becoming reality. In commandingly clear prose and avoiding overly technical terminology, the authors explain why the decades-old US policy of mutual deterrence against Beijing's hard-line "one China" stance and Taipei's desire for sovereignty has worked and why future US administrations should continue to abide by this guiding principle. By opposing unilateral moves by Taipei to break the status quo -- such as the declaration of a Taiwan Republic -- while providing assurances, as stipulated in the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), that the US would help Taiwan defend itself against an unprovoked Chinese military attack, Washington's strategy has been to create space and buy time so that leaders on both sides of the Strait can resolve the conflict peacefully. Published one year before the election of Ma Ying-jeou to the presidency and the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) victory in the legislative elections, one can nevertheless imagine the author's sigh of relief at Ma's election and his peace initiative, which would seem to confirm the wisdom of Washington's longstanding policies on the Taiwan Strait. In this vein, the authors also make no effort to conceal their assessment of the administration of former president Chen Shui-bian as having been "provocative," "unreasonable" and taking unnecessary risks. Still, Bush and O'Hanlon helpfully point out that Beijing, having no substantial experience of democracy, is bound to misinterpret political developments in Taiwan, which could precipitate conflict. As such, one conflict-preventing measure the authors propose is for Washington to ensure that Beijing is able to "distinguish actions that the island's politicians take for political gain and those that reflect policy intentions" as well as to impress upon the Chinese that Taiwanese are not necessarily opposed to all forms of unification. Another important point the authors make is that the leadership in Taipei tends to assume rationality in Beijing regarding the Taiwan question, which could prompt the former to
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